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IMF Insights on Russia's Modernisation Challenges

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Communitarianism exists as both an empirical and normative social theory that emphasises the primacy of the nation or community’s owed moral obligations to each-other over that of the International

Article by Jasper Wiggins

Image: Russian Federation, Britannica

Modernisation Challenges and Development

Australian Political Analysis Review - Open Source Independent Education

Contemporary analysis involving  ‘modernisation challenges’ considered by the IMF in 2000 loans from the totalitarian school’s state-centric institutional approach to policy analysis. R.G. Gidahubidi’s assessment of Putin’s utilisation of national champion ‘state-run companies’ provided critical sectors a monopoly over natural resources necessary for export influence across Eastern Europe and Asia. The domination of entities such as Gazcom enabled Putin to capitalise on unchecked political authority through integration with the oligarchs in awarding government contracts to friends of the regime. In Weak Strongman: The Limits of Putin’s Power, Timothy Frye concluded that the limits of Putin’s power resided in his ability to control “weak institutions,” suggesting that he embodied the authority of an autocrat extending beyond the jurisdiction of the president. Post-revisionist scholars expand upon this analysis arguing that like Yeltsin, Putin’s relationship with business elites was friendly and illusory. They argued that GDP growth in Russia depreciated between 2001-2015, and has only exacerbated a period of stagnation since sanctions after the annexation of Crimea.

 

According to Paul Gregory, Putin socialised isolationism as a political and economic standard, claiming to prosper alone than with international liberal institutionalism. However this perspective does not consider this response as something reactionary to possible NATO expansion. Moreover, Putin has diverged normatively with Gorbachev and Yeltsin in seeking to mature Russia without the incentive to ‘buy-into’ Western liberalism. Nonetheless, the anthem’s lyrical change from ‘motherland’ to ‘otchizna’ (fatherland) from Soviet-era lyrics also aimed to reframe the idea of popular will without Marxist-Leninist connotation, suggesting a move toward modernity. However, etymologically, this distinction in Russian is ambiguous, thus, it would make sense to define paternalism as nationalism personifying the Russian homeland. In light of this, the move did little to change the political establishment neglected by Yeltsin and the scope of control by the elites, nor did it deliver the liberal outcomes anticipated by the West. 

Bibliography

 International Monetary Fund, “Finance and Development: A Quarterly Research Magazine ” (International Monetary Fund, (2000), Vol 34: 3 https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/2000/09/nesteren.htm

 R. G Gidadhubli, “Putin’s Economic Formula for Russia.” Economic and Political Weekly 42, no. 49 (2007): 19–22

 Lavinia Stan, “Weak Strongman: The Limits of Power in Putin’s Russia: By Timothy Frye, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 2022, The European Legacy 28 (5): 553–56. doi:10.1080/10848770.2022.2143023. Page 1 

Jasper Wiggins

24/10/2024

The Social Contract captures the relationship between consent to govern by the individual, and the extent to which the State exercises authority. Both Kant and Locke examine conditional express and tacit consent and how it compares with obliged moral duty. Kant's view towards the role of the State differs from Locke's notion that authority to establish a society is granted by the consent of the majority, rather than constitution. Ultimately, Kant's morally regulative approach challenges Locke, asserting that the empowerment of constitution requires the incorporation of popular obedience, to uphold enforceable legal authority.

Article by Jasper Wiggins

Article by Jasper Wiggins

Article by Jasper Wiggins

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